⒈ Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem

Thursday, June 17, 2021 3:29:14 AM

Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem

According to a study Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem by general accounting office GAO in the 90s they found that for homicides committed Electricity Revealed In Benjamin Franklins Declaration Of Independence otherwise similar circumstances, and where defendants had. Opinion African American Learning Styles Lives Matter Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem. This "war" Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem scarce Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem on unproductive "buy and bust" operations to the neglect of more promising community-based approaches. Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem residents have died of coronavirus. DeSilva, who Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem unarmed, Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem suspected of driving a stolen car. American Civil Liberties Union. Police Theme Of The Ministers Black Veil have broad discretion in making and recording arrests. Only on Eduzaurus. This kind of communication Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem help anticipate problems and avert crises before they occur.

Busting police brutality myths: Race, junk science, and big data - DeRay Mckesson - Big Think

Thus, the official "complaint rate" complaints per 1, citizens , rather than being a reliable measure of police performance, more than likely reflects the administrative customs of a particular police department. Police shootings. You need to know about police firearm discharges, which refer to the number of times a police weapon has been fired. This information is more complete than statistics on the number of persons shot and wounded or killed. However, information on the race of persons shot and wounded or killed is important. Particularly important is data on repeat shooters, which can tell you whether some officers fire their weapons at a suspiciously high rate. The most detailed analysis of police shootings was produced by James Fyfe, a former police officer who is now a criminologist and expert on police practices.

He concluded that the single most important factor determining patterns of shooting is place of assignment. Fyfe's findings showed that: Black and white officers assigned to similar precincts fired their weapons at essentially the same rate; since new officers are assigned to less desirable, high crime precincts based on the seniority system, younger officers shoot more often than older officers; and since a disproportionate number of black officers are young due to recent affirmative action programs, black officers shoot more often than white officers — but as a function of assignment, not race.

Fyfe found significant differences in shooting patterns between police departments. The overall shooting rate in some departments was significantly higher than in others, a disparity that he attributed to differences in department policy. Fyfe, "Who Shoots? With this information, you can evaluate the use of deadly force in your department. You can also evaluate the long-term trends in shootings. Are shootings increasing or decreasing? Has there been a recent upsurge?

How does the department compare with other departments — are officers shooting at a significantly higher rate in your department than elsewhere? Use of physical force. You need to know how frequently police officers in your city use physical force in the day-to-day course of their encounters with citizens. Do officers try to refrain from using such force against citizens, or do they quickly and casually resort to force? In its report on the Los Angeles Police Department in the aftermath of the March beating of Rodney King, the Christopher Commission confirmed a long held suspicion: A small number of officers were involved in an extraordinarily high percentage of use-of-force incidents. Ten percent of the officers accounted for The Commission was able to identify 44 such officers who were not disciplined despite the fact that they were the subjects of numerous citizen complaints.

In , the U. Civil Rights Commission found a similar pattern in Houston and recommended, as a remedy, that police departments establish "early warning systems" to identify officers with high rates of citizen complaints. Patterns in the use of physical force reveal a lot about the "culture" of a particular police department. Clearly, a department whose officers repeatedly engage in physically coercive conduct needs reform. Police officials often deny that their personnel are prone to using force inappropriately, so if your community believes it has a problem in this area citizens must be able to support their claims with existing data, or data they have gathered themselves. Official policies. You need to know what your local police department's formal, written policies are on how officers are supposed to behave in particular situations.

How does the department treat domestic violence complaints? What is the policy on how officers are supposed to deal with homeless people? Does the department use canine patrols and, if so, under what circumstances? In examining official policies, you need to evaluate them in comparison to recommended standards. You need to know how many lawsuits citizens have filed against your local police department. You'll want to know what the charges were, the number of officers involved, whether certain officers are named repeatedly in suits, what was the outcome and, in the case of successful suits, how much the city paid in damages.

The number of lawsuits filed against a police department can be very revealing. This kind of information can be used to mobilize middle-class taxpayers and "good-government" activists, who can then be brought into a community coalition against police abuse. These data indicate a clear pattern of racial discrimination. The disparity between whites and blacks shot and killed is extreme in the category of persons "unarmed and not assaultive. These are classic "fleeing felon" situations in which, prior to , Memphis Police Department policy and the common law of many states permitted officers to use deadly force. Supreme Court ruled that it is unconstitutional for a police officer to shoot a suspected felon in flight who does not pose an immediate danger to the officer or public.

The case — Tennessee v. Garner — involved Edward Garner, a 15 year-old black youth who, though unarmed, was shot and killed while trying to flee the scene of a suspected burglary. Minority employment. You'll need to know how many African Americans, Latinos, Asians, other minorities and women are employed by your police department and their distribution throughout the department's ranks. This information is useful in assessing, again, the "culture" of your local police department — is it internally diverse, fair and equitable?

It also suggests how much value the department places on the "human relations" aspects of its work, and how responsive it is to community concerns. Police business is generally shrouded in secrecy, which conceals outdated policies and departmental inertia, encourages cover-ups and, of course, breeds public suspicion. But remember: Police departments are an arm of government, and the government's business is your business. Police policies, procedures, memoranda, records, reports, tape recordings, etc.

Demanding information about police practices is an important part of the struggle to establish police accountability. Indeed, a campaign focused solely on getting information from the police can serve as a vehicle for organizing a community to tackle police abuse. Regarding all of the following categories, one of the tactics your community could employ is to interest a local investigative journalist in seeking information from the police for a series of articles.

Once in hand, the information your community has collected or helped to expose is a tool for holding the police accountable for their actions. Police work remains dangerous, and many police officers contend that they need greater freedom to use deadly force today because of the increase in heavily armed drug gangs. But in fact, police work is much less dangerous than it used to be. The number of officers killed in the line of duty is half of what it was nearly 20 years ago. According to the FBI, the number of officers killed dropped from in to 67 in That reduced death rate is even more dramatic considering the increase in the number of police officers on duty in the field.

Police officers are rarely the victims of "drive-by" gang shootings. Innocent by-standers and rival gang members have been the victims. Police Shootings. Virtually every big city police department has this information on hand, since officers are required to file a report after every firearms discharge. However, departments don't usually release the information voluntarily. Strong civilian review boards in a few cities now publish the information. As for repeat shooters, this information exists in police reports, but police departments vigorously resist identifying repeat shooters. There are several ways to proceed —. Physical Force. There are three potential sources of data on police use of physical force —.

Official Policies. Your police department has a Standard Operating Procedure SOP manual it may have another title that contains the official policies of the department. The SOP manual is a public document and should be readily available. Some departments place current copies in local libraries. Others treat it as an internal document not available to the public — a practice which is unacceptable. Demand to see the manual, if your department withholds it. As a last resort, you may be able to file suit under your state's open records law to obtain the SOP manual.

Lawsuits brought against police departments are matters of public record. Records of suits brought in state courts reside at your local state courthouse; of suits brought in federal district court, at the nearest federal courthouse. The Lexis computer database is a source of published opinions in civilian suits brought against the police. However, collecting information from any of these sources is a very laborious task. In the back of this manual, find the name and address of your local ACLU and other organizations. Minority Employment. Official data on this issue are generally available from your local police department. If the police stonewall, you can get the information from the city's personnel division.

The point is to evaluate the police department's minority employment record relative to local conditions. Using current data, compare the percentage of a particular group of people in the local population with that group's representation on the police force. If, for example, Latinos are 30 percent of the population but only 15 percent of the sworn officers, then your police department is only half way toward achieving an ideal level of diversity.

Civilian review of police activity was first proposed in the s because of widespread dissatisfaction with the internal disciplinary procedures of police departments. Many citizens didn't believe that police officials took their complaints seriously. They suspected officials of investigating allegations of abuse superficially at best, and of covering up misconduct. The theory underlying the concept of civilian review is that civilian investigations of citizen complaints are more independent because they are conducted by people who are not sworn officers. At first, civilian review was a dream few thought would ever be fulfilled. But slow, steady progress has been made, indicating that it's an idea whose time has come. By the end of , more than 75 percent of the nation's largest cities more than 80 cities across the country had civilian review systems.

Civilian review advocates in every city have had to overcome substantial resistance from local police departments. One veteran of the struggle for civilian review has chronicled the stages of police opposition as follows —. Strong community advocacy is necessary to overcome resistance, even after civilian review is established. Civilian review systems create a lot a confusion because they vary tremendously. Some are more "civilian" than others. Some are not boards but municipal agencies headed by an executive director who has been appointed by, and is accountable to, the mayor. Your community's campaign should seek a strong, fully-independent and accessible civilian review system. But even with a weak system, you can press for changes to make it more independent and effective.

Considerable progress has been made in the area of police misconduct in the use of deadly force. Although the rate of deadly force abuse is still intolerably high, national data reveal reductions in the number of persons shot and killed by the police since the mids — as much as to 40 percent in our 50 largest cities. This has been accompanied by a significant reduction in the racial disparities among persons shot and killed: since the s, from about six people of color to one white person, down to three people of color to one white. This progress serves as a model for controlling other forms of police behavior. And was achieved though hard work and perseverance.

In the mids, police departments began developing restrictive internal policies on the use of deadly force. They adopted the "defense of life" standard: the use of deadly force only when the life of an officer or some other person is in danger. In , the Supreme Court finally upheld this standard in the case of Tennessee v. Garner see table. However, the majority of policies adopted by police departments go beyond the Court's Garner decision, prohibiting warning shots, shots to wound and other reckless actions. Most important, these policies require officers to file written reports after each firearm discharge, and require that those reports be reviewed by higher-ranking officers.

Citizens should also be able to find out whether the department disciplines officers who violate its policy, and whether certain officers are repeatedly involved in questionable incidents. The department's policies, rules and procedures are designed to ensure that this value guides police officers' use of firearms. RULES — The policy stated above is the basis of the following set of rules that have been designed to guide officers in all cases involving the use of firearms —. RULE 1 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms except to protect themselves or another person from imminent death or serious bodily injury.

RULE 2 — Police officers shall discharge their firearms only when doing so will not endanger innocent persons. RULE 3 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms to threaten or subdue persons whose actions are destructive to property or injurious to themselves but which do not represent an imminent threat of death or serious bodily injury to the officer or others. RULE 4 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms to subdue an escaping suspect who presents no imminent threat of death or serious bodily injury.

RULE 5 — Police officers shall not discharge their weapons at a moving vehicle unless it is absolutely necessary to do so to protect against an imminent threat to the life of the officer or others. RULE 6 — Police officers when confronting an oncoming vehicle shall attempt to move out of the path, if possible, rather than discharge their firearms at the oncoming vehicle. RULE 7 — Police officers shall not intentionally place themselves in the path of an oncoming vehicle and attempt to disable the vehicle by discharging their firearms. RULE 8 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms at a fleeing vehicle or its driver.

RULE 10 — Police officers shall not draw or display their firearms unless there is a threat or probable cause to believe there is a threat to life, or for inspection. Your community's principal aim here should be to get the police department to adopt and enforce a written policy governing the use of physical force. This policy should have two parts —. Your community's second objective should be to get the police department to establish an early warning system to identify officers who are involved in an inordinate number of inappropriate physical force incidents. The incidents should then be investigated and, if verified, the officers involved should be charged, disciplined, transferred, retrained or offered counseling, depending on the severity of their misconduct.

Police spying or intelligence gathering on legal but politically unpopular activities is a problem. And it's particularly difficult to deal with because spying, by definition, is a covert activity, unknown to either the victim or other witnesses. During the s, the ACLU and other organizations brought lawsuits against unconstitutional police surveillance in several cities around the country, including New York City, Chicago, Memphis and Los Angeles. The result was increased controls on police spying. In , Seattle residents discovered local police were spying on organizations of black construction workers, local Republican Party operatives, Native Americans, advocates for low-income housing and other activists whose conduct was perfectly lawful.

After several years of hard work and lobbying, the coalition succeeded in bringing about passage of a comprehensive municipal law — the first of its kind in the country — that governs all police investigations and restricts the collection of political, religious and sexual information. Called the Seattle Police Intelligence Ordinance, this law is a model for responsible police intelligence operations —. Police policies should be subject to public review and debate instead of being viewed as the sole province of police insiders. Open policy-making not only allows police officials to benefit from community input, but it also provides an opportunity for police officials to explain to the public why certain tactics or procedures may be necessary. This kind of communication can help anticipate problems and avert crises before they occur.

The Police Review Commission a civilian review body of Berkeley, California, holds regular, bi-monthly meetings that are open to the public where representatives of community organizations can voice criticisms, make proposals and introduce resolutions to review or reform specific police policies. The Project has also prevented the adoption of an anti-loitering rule, a policy that would have made demonstrators financially liable for police costs, and other bad policies.

Composed of both civilian and police representatives, it has the authority to initiate investigations of controversial incidents or questionable policies, and other oversight functions. Citizens' groups in some communities have historically demanded more education and training for police officers as part of their efforts to solve the problem of police abuse. But today, this seems a less crucial issue in many police departments because the educational levels of American police officers have risen dramatically in recent years. In , only 3. By that figure had risen to The levels of education are highest among new recruits, who in many departments have about two years of college.

The training of police personnel has also improved significantly in recent years. The average length of police academy programs has more than doubled, from about to over hours; in some cities, or even hours are the rule. As the time devoted to training has increased, the academies have added a number of important subjects to their curricula: race relations, domestic violence, handling the mentally ill, and so on. Unquestionably, a rigorously trained, professional police force is a desirable goal that should be pursued depending on local conditions. If citizens in your community feel that this is an important issue —. Unfortunately, even the most enlightened training programs can be undermined by veteran officers, who traditionally tell recruits out in the field to "forget all that crap they taught you in the academy.

In San Francisco some years ago, men selected as field training officers FTOs were found to have some of the worst complaint and litigation records in the department. The evaluation scores they gave recruits revealed their systematic attempts to weed out minority and women officers. They labeled women recruits "bad drivers," gave Asians low scores in radio communication and unfairly criticized African Americans for their report-writing. The Northern California ACLU's Police Practices Project joined other community groups in successfully pressuring the police department to adopt stricter selection criteria for FTOs to ensure greater racial and gender integration, fairer evaluations of recruits and higher quality training.

Historically, police departments, like other government agencies, have engaged in employment discrimination. People of color have been grossly underrepresented, and women were not even accepted as full-fledged officers until the s. Some progress has been made in the last 20 years or so. Police departments in several cities now have significant numbers of officers who are people of color. A few departments even approach the theoretically ideal level of maintaining forces that reflect the racial composition of the communities they serve.

Most departments now recruit and assign women on an equal basis with men. Improvements in police employment practices have come about largely as the result of litigation under existing civil rights laws. However, the courts may not be hospitable to employment discrimination claims in the future. Therefore, community groups and civil rights organizations should prepare to fight in the political arena for the integration of police departments.

In the short term, the recruitment of more women and minority officers may not result in less police abuse. Several social science studies suggest that minority and white officers do not differ greatly in their use of physical or deadly force, or in their arrest practices. Female officers, on the other hand, are involved in citizen complaints at about half the rate of male officers, according to the New York City CCRB.

Still, in the long term, an integrated police force is a very important goal for these reasons —. Every state now has procedures for certifying or licensing police officers. These require all sworn officers to have some minimum level of training. This was one of the advances of the late s and early s. An important new development is the advent of procedures for decertifying officers. Traditionally, a police officer could be fired from one department but then hired by another. As a result, persons guilty of gross misconduct could continue to work as police officers. Decertification bars a dismissed officer from further police employment in that state though not necessarily in some other state.

Between and , the Florida Criminal Justice Standards and Training Commission decertified police officers. Be aware, however, that the state commission must have sufficient power and resources to investigate misconduct complaints, and must vigorously exercise its authority. One result of the increasing number of lawsuits brought against police departments by victims of abuse over the past 20 years came from within the police profession.

It was a movement for an accreditation process, similar to that in education and other fields, whereby the police would establish and enforce their own professional standards. In deciding whether your community should press for accreditation of its local police department, keep in mind these basic points —. Citizens in your particular community must decide whether, taking all of the above into account, accreditation would serve as an effective mobilization tool. Once your community has identified its police problems and decided what solutions to pursue, an organizing strategy for securing the desired reform must be developed. During the tenure of Chief Justice Earl Warren, landmark Supreme Court decisions that imposed nationally uniform limits on police behavior were handed down in the cases of Mapp v.

Ohio , Escobedo v. Illinois and Miranda v. Respectively, those decisions extended Fourth Amendment protection against unreasonable searches and seizures to the states, established the Sixth Amendment right to a lawyer during police interrogations and required the police to inform persons taken into custody of their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. Rehnquist demonstrates repeated hostility to individual rights. Many lower federal courts, the majority of whose presiding judges were appointed by Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush, follow this trend. More and more, therefore, the task of opposing police abuse falls not to lawyers, but to the citizens in the communities. The following profiles of successful organizing strategies can guide your community's attempts to effectively challenge police abuse.

The year is The coalition, co-chaired by the Executive Director of the Urban League and a designee of the Indiana Civil Liberties Union, was instrumental in the establishment of a civilian review board in , despite considerable political opposition. Since that time, it has worked to strengthen the authority of that body, which still lacks jurisdiction over police shooting fatalities. A recent series of highly publicized episodes of police misconduct, culminating in an incident in August, , which newspapers dubbed "the police brawl" lent new urgency to the Coalition's efforts. Representatives of the Coalition were tapped by the Greater Indianapolis Process Committee to serve on a Working Group of citizens charged with reviewing the Civilian Review Process and recommending changes in jurisdiction and composition.

A co-chair of the Coalition served as co-chair of the Working Group. The broad-based Coalition is credited by many for drawing attention to management problems within the Indianapolis Police Department in addition to the tensions between officers and minority communities. The Coalition's research provided the basis for the deliberations of the Working Group; even more important, once the Working Group has delivered its recommendations, monitoring the resulting process will be the responsibility of the Coalition.

Key to the Coalition's success has been its broadbased composition and its commitment to participatory decision-making. Copwatch is a community organization whose stated purpose is "to reduce police harassment and brutality," and "to uphold Berkeley's tradition of tolerance and diversity. Copwatch sends teams of volunteers into the community on three-hour shifts. Each team is equipped with a flashlight, tape recorder, camera, "incident" forms see sample form and Copwatch Handbooks that describe the organization's non-violent tactics, relevant laws, court decisions, police policies and what citizens should do in an emergency.

If they have witnessed an harassment incident, they call one of the organization's cooperating lawyers, who follows up on the incident. Copwatch holds weekly meetings, and its activists attend public meetings of the Police Review Commission. It publishes a quarterly newsletter, Copwatch Report, which features a "Cop Blotter" column that describes examples of police misconduct "gleaned from Copwatch incident reports. Although the group's impact has not been studied, Copwatch activists are convinced that their monitoring activities deter and, thus, reduce harassment and abuse. During confirmation hearings for a new Seattle police chief, it comes to light that the city's police department maintains political intelligence files on citizens who are not suspected of any criminal activity.

Some time later, a local newspaper prints the names of individuals that were found in police files. A group of citizens, concerned about this clear violation of First Amendment and privacy rights, forms the Coalition on Government Spying. One of the coalition's first acts is to file suit under the Washington public disclosure law, seeking access to the police department's intelligence files. Under the law, the police can refuse to disclose the files only if "nondisclosure is essential to effective law enforcement. The coalition's charges of abuse turn out to be well-founded. Not only do the files show that the police have engaged in unconstitutional surveillance of political activists, but they are full of inaccurate, misleading and damaging information.

The lawsuit and its revelations receive a lot of media attention, which helps build strong public support for reform. The result: Seattle enacts the first and only municipal ordinance in the country that restricts police surveillance. Each of the 50 states has a freedom of information act or an open records law. Virtually all such laws were enacted post-Watergate, in the mids. Under these laws, community groups can request and obtain access to police reports, investigations, policies and tape recordings regarding a controversial incident, such as a beating, shooting, or false arrest.

If the police refuse to disclose information to representatives of your community, that refusal in itself should become the focus of organizing and public attention. Ultimately, your community can sue to compel disclosure, unless the records you seek are specifically exempted. It is the policy of this state that all state, county, and municipal records shall at all times be open for a personal inspection by any person. The Police Practices Project conducts, among other activities, education programs to teach citizens about their constitutional rights. One aspect of the police abuse problem, the project believes, is that the police tend to abuse certain people partly because they think these individuals don't know their rights, or don't know how to assert their rights.

The project also believes that its programs have the added advantage of recruiting groups and individuals to work in police reform campaigns. The project, working with other groups, has sponsored training programs for homeless people, as well as for advocates and service providers for the homeless. The training included the distribution of copies of police policies, information on homeless people's legal rights, suggestions on how to observe and record police misconduct and presentations by members of the local civilian review agency. A videotape was made of one of the project's training sessions for use by other groups outside the Bay Area. The project also publishes wallet-size cards in English, Spanish and Chinese that inform citizens about what to do or say in encounters with the police.

These cards have been widely distributed in the community. One card-holder reported that he pulled out his card when confronted by a police officer, only to have the officer reach into his wallet and pull out his own copy of the same card! You can download a copy to print out below. The project believes that individual citizens and community groups become informed about police policies just by participating in the preparation of educational materials and training sessions. That participation also fosters awareness about particular areas of police practice that need reform. Most important, education empowers even the most disenfranchised people and helps deter the police from treating them abusively.

The time is August ; the place, New York City. Manhattan's Lower East Side is rocked by one of the most serious outbreaks of police violence in years. Declaring a curfew, the police begin to eject homeless people and their supporters from Tompkins Square Park. Fifty-two people, most of them innocent bystanders, sustain serious injuries at the hands of the police in the ensuing violence. Much of the violence is recorded on video. Yet the officers who are guilty of misconduct go virtually unpunished; only one receives more than a day suspension from the force. Although it was established in the early s and gradually strengthened over the years, the CCRB is still criticized for its lack of independence and secretive proceedings.

Half of its 12 members are appointed by the mayor, the other half by the police commissioner. Most of the CCRB's investigators are police officers. The goal of the campaign is the establishment of a new, all-civilian CCRB that will be totally independent of the police department. During , the campaign calls on the city's community boards to pass resolutions in support of "a real CCRB. Campaign spokespeople debate police department representatives before some 30 community boards throughout the city, and 19 boards pass resolutions calling for revisions of the present system see box below. Each board that passes a resolution becomes a member of the campaign coalition. Coalition members set up tables at street fairs and other community events to collect signatures on petitions for "a real CCRB.

The bill is endorsed by 14 Council members and is adopted. Whereas, many New Yorkers are concerned about the independence and effectiveness of the present Civilian Complaint Review Board; and. Whereas, with the proposed hiring of 9, new police officers, unfortunately, there may be a wider possibility of alleged police abuse; and. Whereas, if alleged police abuse has been charged, New Yorkers should have an effective government review agency that will render fair and full investigation and hearing of their allegations without pressure from the Police Department now, therefore, be it.

Resolved, that the new board should have investigators and board members that are civilians with no allegiances to the Police Department and should have the power to subpoena witnesses to insure cooperation from the police officers or other concerned individuals. It should hold regular public hearings and maintain procedural safeguards to protect the rights of civilians and police officers. It should have expanded jurisdiction that includes all police and peace officers employed by the City and quasi-city agencies; and in adopting this resolution we are following the lead of Community Boards 4, 11 and Their proposed legislation includes the following —.

Although the proposal has not yet been adopted, ACLU lobbyists have waged a largely successful battle against a flood of dangerous bills introduced into the California Legislature by police lobbyists. In the process, the ACLU has learned that an informed presence in state legislatures is essential to counteracting well-funded and influential police lobbies that sometimes oppose or undercut reform efforts. Thank you for contacting the ACLU. Your information is very important to us in our effort to monitor police abuse in your community. If you have been a victim of police misconduct and wish to pursue the matter in any manner, you should first contact an attorney to advise you.

Nothing that is written in these tips is intended to constitute legal advice, which can only come from an attorney experienced in this area of law. The number of the referral service is If you believe you have been the victim of police abuse or misconduct and would like to take action, some of the possible options are —. You may want to try one or more of these options to vindicate your rights. An attorney can help you decide among these options by explaining what is involved with each, and we urge you to consult one before proceeding. If you decide to pursue your claim you must take action quickly because the law imposes severe time limits for nearly every option listed above.

If you do not comply with those time limits you will lose your right to take any action. Once again, an attorney experienced in this area of law can advise you regarding the time limits and your rights with respect to them. Keep your eye on the big picture. On the one hand, each individual reform is only one step on a long road to correcting the deeply entrenched problem of police misconduct; on the other hand, important and genuine reforms can be won.

A well-organized, focused campaign against police abuse can draw broad community support. The key is to transform that support into realistic demands and develop strategies that turn those demands into concrete reforms. We hope the information and advice contained in this manual inspires and equips your community to effectively tackle the problem of police misconduct from the grass roots up. Reform of police practices is in the best interests of every American, including the men and women in blue. American Civil Liberties Union. New York. April Case studies and recommendations for local and federal remedies. The Call for Change Goes Unanswered.

March A year after Rodney King beating, this study, based on original research, reveals that there has been little improvement in the responsiveness of the LA Police Department to citizen complaints. Original research establishes that pepper spray can be fatal, and ACLU makes recommendations to avoid further tragedies. ACLU of Washington. August Critique of Seattle Police Department's handling of civilian complaints and recommendation that an independent civilian review board be established. Describes events leading up to city's adoption of law that limits police surveillance of citizens.

American Friends Service Committee. The Police Threat to Political Liberty. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Comprehensive report on police spying, with separate chapters on Seattle, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Jackson, Mississippi. Bouza, Anthony. Plenum Press. The author, retired police chief of Minneapolis and long considered an innovative thinker, analyzes what's wrong with American policing. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Criminal Victimization in the United States , Government Printing Office. Washington, D. National crime survey published annually by U. Department of Justice. Chevigny, Paul. Human Rights Watch. Review of potential federal remedies for police misconduct.

Published in response to the Rodney King incident. Commission on Accreditation for Law Enforcement Agencies. Standards for Law Enforcement Agencies. These official standards for police departments are the bare minimum. Revised regularly. Those who argue that Black Lives Matter protesters are jumping on an American bandwagon wilfully miss the point. Despite the ongoing coronavirus pandemic, the crowd was much larger than expected — and much, much larger than in Yet in Britain, protesters still face criticism for supporting an issue that has supposedly nothing to do with this country.

Of course, there are certain force multipliers in the US that increase the scale of its problems; we do not have prisons the size of small towns or police officers walking around with ARs in Britain. But George Floyd showed that police do not need guns to take life. In , year-old Rashan Charles also lost his life, this time in Hackney, east London, after being restrained by a police officer and choking on a package of caffeine and paracetamol in his mouth. That same year, another young black man, year-old father Edson Da Costa , died in very similar circumstances to Charles, just down the road in Newham.

We could also discuss Sarah Reed, or Sheku Bayoh — the names go on and on. The last time a police officer was successfully prosecuted in the UK concerning the death of somebody in custody was in , when the Beatles were not only all alive, but still together. That year, two Leeds city police officers were involved in the death of David Oluwale , a homeless British-Nigerian man who they had repeatedly targeted in an attempt to drive him out of the city. When Oluwale died after being in their custody, they faced charges of manslaughter. During the trial these charges were dropped to assault. The police officers were convicted and sentenced to just three years in prison. Half a century later, there has not been a single successful prosecution for anyone who died in police custody since.

When Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem arrived two officers took the man into the bathroom, removed his trousers, and beat him with the Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem of a toilet plunger. What is the policy on how Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem are supposed to Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem with homeless people? Officers who have been decertified cannot be employed as Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem officers again until they are re-certified. Police Brutality And Discrimination Problem the s, the ACLU and other organizations brought lawsuits against unconstitutional police surveillance in several cities around the country, including New York City, Chicago, Memphis and Los Summary Of Thomas Friedmans Argument For The Flat World.